JX Fund – European Fund for Journalism in Exile

CONTEXT

SYRIAN MEDIA IN EXILE SINCE 2011

Note: Syria is in the midst of a historical transformation, which will also likely fundamentally impact its media ecosystem. After years in exile, many outlets have cautiously and partially re-entered their country of origin (or are considering doing so in the near future). 

Fundamental regime transition allowing a return of exiled media (rather than simply media returning to non-government controlled areas), is exceptionally rare. This means there could be a chance for exiled publications to serve as a catalyst in rebuilding an independent media sector in Syria. However, security issues and a challenging and unclear administrative situation mean that the (re)creation of a functioning and vibrant independent media ecosystem is far from a foregone conclusion. 

This report focuses on exiled media. However, most Syrian independent media are currently best described as hybrid – combining external elements (especially in terms of legal entities,  bank accounts) with journalistic on the ground presence. These are considered in scope for the time being, although their status is liable to change in the coming year(s). However, independent media with no experience in exile have not been considered as being in scope.

Independent Syrian media in exile emerged as a result of the 2011 uprising and its violent repression: often emerging from citizen journalism and then evolving into professionalized newsrooms operating across borders. Over the past decade, the sector experienced waves of displacement – first into neighbouring countries (2012–2013), then deeper into Europe (2015–2016), especially after conditions in Turkey, where many media initially relocated to, deteriorated.

Since the fall of the regime of Bashar al-Assad in December 2024 the sector has experienced a structural shift rather than a “return to normal”. Indeed, most outlets now find themselves in conflicting realities and a full return to the country from exile is prevented by unclear and unfinished administrative regularization, a precarious security situation (especially in some parts of the country), socio-political turmoil and a funding landscape that itself is undergoing a deep crisis.

A new interim constitution, signed into law in March 2025 and valid for 5 years, formally guarantees freedom of expression but allows restrictions for reasons such as “public order” or “national unity,” granting authorities broad discretionary power. In practice the Ministry of Information – a key institution of media control under Assad now under new leadership – plays a core role in monitoring and regulating the media sector.

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“I think the government is not, per se, against the emergence of a pluralistic, inclusive, and critical media. But they certainly want to slow down the emergence of that kind of media landscape to make sure that this is not becoming an overwhelming experience that gets out of control”

Dr. Anja Wollenberg, Founder and Head of Research at MiCT

FIGURES & TRENDS

MEDIA PROFILES

Syrian independent media, operating partially in exile or having a hybrid / transitional status, are primarily focused on national news coverage, including conflict reporting, accountability journalism, and human rights issues. Transitional justice and accountability are especially relevant topics – in one case, Rozana Media noted that they hired a journalist specialized in legal issues to inform people about transitional justice and the experiences of different countries that underwent similar experiences.

Many outlets were launched in the early years of the Syrian uprising (2011–2013), with a notable wave of media startups during the peak of the conflict in 2015–2016. Since then, there have been several launches. However, more outlets have become dormant (i.e., inactive) or closed entirely, primarily due to a combination of pressure and funding constraints.

Given that Arabic is the primary language of communication for Syrians, the vast majority of exiled media publish in Arabic, catering to audiences both inside the country and in the diaspora. Many outlets also produce English-language content aimed at international audiences, particularly for advocacy, awareness, and donor engagement. Additionally, some outlets, such as those focusing on Kurdish regions, publish in Kurdish alongside Arabic to serve specific ethnic communities. This linguistic range reflects both the audience’s needs and the diverse nature of the Syrian population.

FIGURES & TRENDS

REACH & DISTRIBUTION

For years Syrian media operated under conditions of extreme repression, with audiences fearing that following, liking or sharing content from independent media could lead to reprisals, potentially even detention or forced disappearance.

Since the fall of the Assad regime, however, independent media have generally seen significant growth and more open consumption of their content. But concerns remain and have been amplified by a deep social polarization – both across political and sectarian divides.

According to several media managers, many Syrians currently appear to prefer content that confirms their existing views or advances the interests of their own community, rather than balanced and fact-based reporting. While this tendency is not unique to Syria, it is especially significant in a context shaped by deep social tensions and recurring ethno-sectarian violence.

This polarization creates a challenge for independent media: demand for balanced reporting is falling and social media algorithms prioritize polarizing content, meaning that not opting for a content strategy focused on fanning the flames comes at a significant cost.

Additionally the country is experiencing a steep rise in misinformation – something that is also driving the government’s attempts to “maintain control over the media ecosystem” (to the detriment of press freedom). Several media professionals also mentioned a growing use of bots to inflate traffic, which is both used to speed up the spread of misinformation and to emphasize the outlet’s importance (and worthiness of receiving financial support).

Finally, Syrian independent media – exiled, hybrid and in-country – face strong competition from government-aligned media and private media backed primarily by regional powers, such as Qatar, Saudi Arabia or Turkey. This makes for a challenging and competitive environment.

FIGURES & TRENDS

COMMUNITY

After years of operating under conditions of strict anonymity, Syrian exiled media have experienced a major boost to community activity and growth, with networks expanding inside the country. Among others, this has enabled active discussions on such topics like journalist ethics or capacity building.

The government has also engaged with media, to a degree, in terms of developing an ethics code for the industry (a process that involved the indirect input of hundreds of Syrian journalists). However, the split between those journalists who have opted to work for state-run media (which tend to have a heavy propaganda component) and those who are wary of them is a source of tension.

Founded in 2004, the Syrian Center for Media and Freedom of Expression (SCM)  is an independent non-profit organization that advocates for freedom of expression and accountability for crimes of the Syrian regime, provides journalism training, monitors violence and hate speech.

The Syrian Female Journalists Network (SFJN) is an organization committed to promoting gender equality in and through media. Established in 2013, SFJN focuses on empowering female journalists, advocating for balanced gender representation in media content, and providing training to enhance professional skills.

The Syrian Journalists Association (SJA) is a non-governmental organization dedicated to supporting Syrian journalists and promoting freedom of the press. Founded in 2012, SJA works to enhance professional standards, provide training, and advocate for journalists’ rights in Syria and the diaspora, as well as documenting violations against journalists and advocating for the role of independent media in shaping a democratic Syria.

The Syrian Kurdish Journalists Network is an independent professional network dedicated to strengthening Kurdish media identity and advancing professional journalistic practices. It supports skills development, advocating for ethical standards, defending media and journalistic rights, with a particular focus on Kurdish ones.

“After the fall of the former regime, we are facing a chaotic situation. Everyone is trying to position themselves, and solidarity is no longer the main priority. Parts of what was once the opposition are now integrated into the new power structures or aligned with them. People I used to work with — with whom I shared 100% of the same views — now look at each other with suspicion. Not because our principles changed, but because some are now closer to decision-making circles, while others remain outside them. This has created a serious trust challenge within independent Syrian media”

Siruan Hossein, Founder and General Manager of Radio Arta

EXPERT COMMENT

PERSPECTIVES & PREDICTIONS

The future of Syrian media is likely to be shaped by what journalists increasingly describe as an environment of “invisible control.” The fall of the Assad regime initially produced a brief moment of openness, when journalists started to use their real identities, but that window closed quickly.

Some journalists have since reverted to pseudonyms or unsigned reporting, depending on the topic, as indirect pressure, harassment, and uncertainty re-emerged. Outlets may operate more visibly than before, but under heavier administrative, social, and psychological constraints, relying more on self-censorship than overt bans.

At the same time, professional networks inside Syria have expanded, creating cautious expectations that journalistic practice could improve despite political fragility. Authorities have sought input from experienced independent outlets on ethics and standards. Yet expectations remain guarded: participation does not translate into influence over how these frameworks will ultimately be used, reinforcing uncertainty about whether professional norms will be protected or instrumentalized.

An important driver of editorial agendas is audiences’ demand for transitional justice: questions about detainees, accountability, and legal pathways, driving a new overlap between journalism and legal expertise. Citizens are looking to understand transitional justice processes, what to expect, and how other countries have navigated similar transitions. It is likely that explanatory, legally grounded journalism will remain in high demand as Syrians seek clarity amid unresolved trauma and institutional ambiguity.

However, the internal media field is becoming increasingly fragmented and ideologically divided, undermining collective resilience. Parts of the Ministry of Information now include former independent journalists who quietly help mitigate propaganda excesses from within, but this coexistence has also deepened distrust. The journalistic community is being driven apart by different perspectives on supporting the government vs. holding it to account, as well as pragmatic needs in terms of economic survival.

Algorithmic manipulation and audience fears are complicating distribution and engagement with audiences. Non-Syrian traffic – often from Asia – is used to distort analytics and suppress genuine engagement, alongside rising cases of forced televised “retractions” for individuals who speak out online. Many Syrians avoid public interaction with independent media out of fear of harassment or retaliation. Thus, consumption may remain high, but actual engagement may struggle.

Finally, short-term economic pressure is high and long-term prospects unclear. Rising prices for electricity, internet, rent, and inflation are already straining newsrooms, while regulatory fragmentation—multiple registrations for different activities, short-term permits lasting only weeks, and costly compliance requirements—adds further burdens. Compounding these challenges is the unequal salary landscape: government institutions and politically-aligned media outlets offer significantly higher wages to new recruits, creating an imbalanced compensation structure that independent media cannot match. This salary disparity makes it increasingly difficult for independent newsrooms to attract and retain qualified staff, particularly young professionals entering the field.

Although international rhetoric around sanctions and reconstruction has shifted, the reality for media has not: restrictions remain, funding is uncertain, and ideological co-optation is accelerating. In this context, the future of independent Syrian journalism remains precarious, defined less by formal repression than by financial fragility, administrative exhaustion, and a slowly narrowing space for trust and autonomy.

By Loujein Haj Youssef, Editor in Chief, Rozana Media

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This research was made possible by funding from the
German Minister of State of Culture and the Media.