MYANMAR

  • July 18, 2025
  • Countries
CONTEXT

HISTORICAL MYANMAR EXILED MEDIA COMMUNITY EXPANDS RAPIDLY POST-2021 COUP

Myanmar’s independent media has faced two major waves of exile, each with profound structural consequences. The initial wave occurred during the 1990s and 2000s under military regimes, when outlets like The Irrawaddy and Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB) operated from various locations, notably including Thailand and Norway. A brief period of liberalization starting in 2012 allowed some of them to return to Myanmar. However, the 2021 military coup marked the beginning of a second, much more extensive wave of media displacement.

Immediately after the coup, the junta started to revoke media licenses. Journalists faced mass arrests, torture, and at least seven were confirmed killed while in custody or on assignment. Newsrooms were raided and destroyed, leading many staff to flee. Internet blackouts, targeted surveillance, and laws criminalizing basic reporting made operations inside the country nearly impossible.

Most exiled media are now based in Thailand, particularly in Chiang Mai, Mae Sot, and other border towns. Larger outlets like DVB, The Irrawaddy, Mizzima, Myanmar Now, and Frontier Myanmar have maintained consistent operations, though under extreme constraints. A number of outlets also operate from border areas (including the Indian, Bangladeshi and Thai border regions), beyond the military government control, in a state of semi-exile and/or uncertain security.

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54.8

MILLION

According to the United Nations, the currently estimated population of Myanmar is 54.8 million people.

54

MEDIA OUTLETS

JX Fund is constantly tracking the development of 54 independent exiled media from Myanmar.

77

MILLION

As of June 2025, 54 Myanmar exiled media observed by JX Fund account for 77 million Facebook followers.

 

AT A GLANCE

INDEPENDENT MYANMAR EXILED MEDIA

Press Freedom

  • Press Freedom Index: 24.41 (171 out of 180 countries)
  • Freedom House Democracy Index: 8/100 – Not Free
  • Violence Against Journalists: Myanmar remains one of the most dangerous countries for journalists, with over sixty detained and reports of targeted killings, including the shooting of two journalists by junta forces in 2024.
  • Administrative Measures: The junta uses repressive legal tools like Section 505(a) of the penal code and Section 66(d) of the telecommunications law to criminalize “false information” and defamation, punishing journalists with up to three years in prison.
  • Internet Censorship: 9/100 – Not Free
  • Internet Penetration:
    • 44% – est. 2021 (CIA World Factbook)
    • 44% – start of 2024 (Datareportal)

Population & Demographics

  • Population: 54.8 million (United Nations)
  • Age structure:
    • 0-14: 24.4% (male 7,197,177/ female 6,843,879)
    • 15-64: 68.5% (male 19,420,361/ female 19,998,625)
    • 65+: 7.1% (2024 est.) (male 1,770,293/female 2,296,804)
  • Religions:
    • Buddhist (87.9%)
    • Christians (6.2 %)
    • Muslims (4.3 %)
    • Animist (0.8 %)
    • Hindu (0.5 %)
    • Other (0.2 %)
    • None (0.1 %)
  • Languages:
    • Burmese (official)

Recognized Ethnic and Regional Languages:

    • Shan
    • S’gaw Karen
    • Pwo Karen
    • Kachin (Jinghpaw)
    • Zomi
    • Hakha Chin
    • Falam Chin
    • Rakhine (Arakanese)
    • Mon
    • Wa
    • Pa’O
    • Lisu
    • Palaung
    • Ta’ang
    • Akha
    • Rawang
    • Konyak
    • Tangkhul
  • Literacy rate: 89.5%
  • Income: GDP per capita: $5,300 (2023 est.)

Media System in the Country

Myanmar’s media landscape is starkly divided. With the exception of areas outside of central control (which often contain regional or ethnic media operations, with varying degrees of independence from local authorities), the junta tightly controls all legal media operations within the country, broadcasting pro-regime narratives through television, radio, and state newspapers.

Independent outlets have faced criminalization, leading many to operate from exile or in underground conditions. Some domestic media continue to function discreetly under false names, particularly in ethnic regions, but are subject to severe repression.

State repression in Myanmar is systematic and often involves journalists facing arrest, beatings, or worse. Charges frequently fall under incitement, terrorism, or digital security laws. As a result, websites are blocked, social media pages are taken down, and disinformation campaigns target individual reporters. Even simply accessing or sharing banned media content can lead to legal action.

Administrative measures include revoking licenses, blocking domains, and blacklisting outlet names. To delegitimize exiled media, a rebranded Press Council has been used. However, professional associations such as the Independent Press Council Myanmar have formed in exile to defend journalistic ethics and monitor violations. Despite these efforts, a limited number of media maintain discreet contacts on the ground, but exposure remains dangerous.

Exiled media operate as decentralized and often transnational teams. Many are based in Thailand, particularly in Chiang Mai and Mae Sot, but also in locations across Europe and North America. Staff are often spread across multiple countries, working remotely. Communication relies on encrypted platforms, and strict safety protocols are in place. Contributors inside Myanmar remain anonymous to avoid reprisals.

Exiled media have adapted their formats to the realities of censorship and internet restrictions. YouTube and Telegram remain widely used due to their difficulty in blocking. Visual journalism, particularly video reports, social media explainers, and mobile-first formats, is prioritized. While long-form investigative work continues, short, shareable content plays a central role in reaching audiences, especially younger viewers. Offline distribution, including PDF bulletins and small-scale pamphlet printing, is also employed in areas with limited electricity or heavy surveillance.

Language use is strategic. Burmese remains dominant, ensuring maximum reach within the country, while English content targets international audiences, including diplomats, researchers, and diaspora communities. Bilingual production is now standard among major outlets.

The journalist community in exile is diverse in terms of age and gender. Many in exile are mid-career professionals who fled after 2021, while younger journalists have emerged through informal and online training. Women are increasingly present, particularly in newer niche media focused on gender, human rights, or community reporting.

“Even as journalists are imprisoned or driven out of the profession, others continue to rise and carry the work forward. A new generation is taking shape – learning, adapting, and creating new media outlets. That’s what defines the resilience of Myanmar’s media landscape.”

Aung Zaw, Editor, The Irrawaddy

FIGURES & TRENDS

MEDIA PROFILES

The current structure of Myanmar’s exiled media reflects a system built on regional presence and shaped by repeated cycles of repression. Among the 54 surveyed outlets, 40 focus primarily on ethnic and regional coverage. This underscores the role of ethnic and border-area journalism, particularly in conflict-affected states where local reporting fills the void left by censored or dismantled national media. National coverage is present but concentrated within a smaller set of longer-standing or internationally oriented outlets.

Founding patterns show a gradual growth over the past two decades, followed by a sharp increase after the 2021 military coup. That year alone saw the creation of eight new media organizations, making it the single most active year for media formation in exile. This rise suggests that exile is not only a space for relocated media but also a platform for new initiatives launched in direct response to political collapse inside the country.

Language distribution reflects the ethnic and political diversity of the exiled media space. Burmese and English are the most commonly used languages, present in 23 and 21 outlets respectively. However, at least eight other languages are represented, including Shan, Tedim, Jinghpaw, Karen, Mon, Rakhine, Rohingya, and Thai. This range indicates a deliberate effort to serve communities that are often left out of both state-run and centralized independent media.

The appearance of languages such as Rohingya or Rakhine, even if limited to a single outlet, carries substantial symbolic weight. These languages often represent communities that have been displaced, targeted, or denied basic civil rights. At the same time, the low overall adoption of ethnic languages highlights real limitations. Multilingual production is resource intensive, and outlets often lack the staff, technology, or funding required to produce regular content beyond Burmese or English.

Overall, Myanmar’s exiled media sector demonstrates a blend of reactivity and inclusivity. The growth in regional outlets and multilingual reporting points to an ecosystem that is shaped by necessity but rooted in community connection. To sustain and expand this work, long-term investment will be needed in language support, editorial infrastructure, and protection for contributors operating across borders and under threat.

The thematic and format profiles of Myanmar’s exiled media show a sector focused on timely reporting, human rights, and regional accountability. News is the dominant thematic area, present in nearly all outlets. This confirms that fast and credible information delivery remains the sector’s central function, especially in the context of state-controlled media.

Regional coverage holds a strong position, reflecting the importance of ethnic and border-area reporting. This emphasis corresponds to the geographic patterns of violence, displacement, and resistance following the 2021 coup. Political coverage is also widely represented, though increasingly approached through local and legal angles rather than capital-based commentary.

Legal and human rights issues are a clear priority across the landscape. These often intersect with minority ethnic reporting, underscoring how identity, discrimination, and military abuse shape editorial agendas. While economic and environmental themes are present, they receive less sustained attention, likely due to limited capacity and the urgency of conflict-driven reporting. Topics such as feminism, civil society, and lifestyle remain marginal.

In terms of format, interviews, video reports, and online broadcasting are the most frequently used. These approaches offer both immediacy and adaptability across platforms like Facebook, YouTube, and Telegram. Podcasts are increasingly used as well, providing a space for narrative depth, commentary, and personal storytelling. Investigative journalism continues to be practiced, though often within smaller teams and limited by time, funding, and safety concerns.

Less common formats include magazines, audio-only content, and newsletters. These require sustained editorial planning and are more difficult to maintain under conditions of exile. Online radio is nearly absent, signaling a clear shift away from legacy broadcast structures toward digital-native methods of distribution.

Overall, the sector remains focused on crisis-driven, rights-oriented reporting with delivery methods shaped by speed, access, and security. While the space for thematic expansion exists, current priorities remain concentrated around high-risk, high-urgency content. Long-term sustainability and thematic diversification would depend on targeted investment and greater operational stability.

FIGURES & TRENDS

REACH & DISTRIBUTION

Platform usage among Myanmar’s exiled media reflects a pragmatic and audience-centered response to censorship, surveillance, and infrastructure limitations. Although 54 outlets were surveyed, only slightly more than half (52 percent) maintain independent websites. This points to both technical barriers and the declining importance of websites as a primary point of access. The relatively low total visit number (1.4 million) suggests that websites now serve more as archives than as active channels of distribution.

Instead, distribution strategies focus on accessibility, speed, and scalability. Facebook is the only platform used by all 54 outlets, with a cumulative following exceeding 77 million. Its dominance is driven by familiarity, mobile usability, and relatively low production demands. Even with the threat of takedown or manipulation, Facebook remains central to how these media reach their audiences.

YouTube is the second most widely adopted platform, used by 89 percent of outlets, and attracts over 14 million followers. The platform’s role reflects a broader shift toward video content as both audiences and journalists move away from legacy television. Telegram and Twitter (now X) are used by 57 percent and 67 percent of outlets respectively. Telegram supports secure broadcasting, while Twitter is favored for live updates and breaking news. Despite their frequency of use, neither platform approaches Facebook or YouTube in reach.

TikTok, though used by just 28 percent of outlets, matches Twitter in cumulative followers at 3.2 million. This suggests high engagement potential, particularly among younger audiences, even with lower adoption. Constraints include digital security risks and limited staffing for video production.

Instagram remains underused. Only 44 percent of outlets are present, and audience numbers remain modest. This may reflect a lack of resources for visual storytelling or platform-specific content strategies.

Altogether, these patterns show that platform selection is shaped more by survival logic than editorial vision. Media outlets prioritize tools that allow maximum distribution with minimal infrastructure. Control has shifted from owned platforms such as websites to commercial platforms governed by external rules, algorithms, and political risks. Audience engagement now depends less on destination sites and more on visibility within fragmented and unstable digital ecosystems.

FIGURES & TRENDS

COMMUNITY

Media & Journalist Associations

  • Burma News International (BNI) – a network of ethnic media organizations in Myanmar, providing coordinated reporting across regions and supporting smaller local outlets in exile.
  • Independent Press Council Myanmar (IPCM) – a self-regulatory body formed in exile to uphold media ethics and defend press freedom after the junta took over the former official Press Council.
  • Myanmar Pressphoto Agency (MPA) – a visual journalism collective focusing on press photography, now working largely from exile or in semi-clandestine ways.

Think Tanks & Research Centers

  • Myanmar Institute for Democracy – a policy-focused organization that conducts media monitoring, political analysis, and supports democratic initiatives, often partnering with exiled media.
  • Tagaung Institute of Political Studies – an independent research group founded in Myanmar and currently operating in exile. It collaborates with journalists and civil society to publish studies on governance, media, and ethnic conflict.
  • ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (Singapore) – while not Myanmar-based, it regularly hosts research and events on Myanmar’s media and politics, often featuring exiled experts.

Civil Society & Advocacy Networks

  • Free Expression Myanmar (FEM) – a local NGO (now partially in exile) advocating for digital rights, freedom of expression, and legal reform for journalists.
  • Myanmar Media Support Group (MMSG) – a loosely coordinated support initiative for exiled journalists, focusing on safety, mental health, and housing in Thailand.
  • Justice for Myanmar – an activist group exposing the junta’s financial links, collaborating with media and whistleblowers to publish investigative reports.
  • Exile Hub – a support network for media professionals and human rights defenders at risk, enabling them to continue their work in safety.

The Myanmar exiled media community is moderately organized and increasingly collaborative. Veteran outlets like The Irrawaddy and DVB form the backbone of the sector, while newer platforms, often ethnic or region-specific, bring fresh perspectives. Coordination occurs through informal networks and formalized bodies like IPCM or BNI. Chiang Mai and Mae Sot serve as logistical and editorial hubs. Despite political fragmentation and funding cuts, solidarity remains strong, particularly in advocacy, content sharing, and safety mechanisms. However, the lack of stable legal status and donor fatigue are eroding long-term sustainability.

ADDITIONAL INFORMATION

FURTHER READINGS

Reports

Press

“I feel safer [in exile] than in Myanmar. However, I do not feel safe enough to tell others that I am a journalist, and when asked about my job, I only reply that I am attending school.”

Survey Respondent 73, in Voices from Exile: The Safety Needs of Myanmar Women Journalists (Exile Hub, 2024), p. 16.

EXPERT COMMENT

PERSPECTIVES & PREDICTIONS

Myanmar’s exiled media are undergoing a structural transformation. Initially reacting to the 2021 military coup, this shift has evolved into a long-term operational change. While some outlets like The Irrawaddy and DVB had prior experience operating abroad, many newer regional and ethnic media were forced into exile for the first time. These organizations often lacked established infrastructure, legal recognition, or sustainable funding at the time of their relocation.

Currently, most outlets function through decentralized and remote teams, often spread across Thailand, Europe, and North America. Communication is maintained through encrypted platforms, and reporting continues to rely on anonymous contributors (i.e., journalists working inside the country clandestinely). This «one foot in, one foot out» model allows for ongoing newsgathering while minimizing exposure for those involved.

Significant changes have also occurred in content strategy and distribution. With websites and major social media platforms frequently blocked in Myanmar, audiences are increasingly accessing news via YouTube and Telegram. Visual and mobile-friendly formats have become the norm. Burmese-language content receives the majority of domestic engagement, while English-language reporting serves the diaspora, diplomatic, and academic communities. Output remains fact-based and has increasingly shifted toward explanatory and contextual journalism, aiming to counter state propaganda and provide deeper understanding of unfolding events.

Funding remains the most acute challenge. Longstanding donors, such as the United States and EU member states, have significantly reduced or withdrawn their support, leading to staff layoffs, reduced coverage, and the cancellation of field reporting. Attempts to generate revenue through training services, consulting, or content partnerships have had limited success. Audience monetization remains difficult due to safety concerns and the dispersed nature of the readership.

Despite these challenges, collaboration within the sector is on the rise. Ethnic media alliances and coordination through organizations like the Independent Press Council Myanmar have led to improved resource sharing and editorial consistency. Some outlets have adapted by localizing content through diaspora voices or building alliances with in-country sources. In the case of Myanmar, reporting is still carried out by journalists operating inside the country, though they remain low profile for security reasons. Greater professionalization and inter-organizational support are observed, although sustainability remains uncertain. Without renewed donor engagement, even well-established outlets may be compelled to reduce operations or cease altogether. In the near future, digital security risks, legal uncertainties, and financial instability are expected to shape the sector’s trajectory.

By Aung Zaw, Founder and Editor The Irrawaddy, and Nyein Nyein, Contributor The Irrawaddy

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This research was made possible by funding from the German Minister of State of Culture and the Media.