10.6
MILLION
According to the CIA World Factbook, the currently estimated population of Azerbaijan is 10.6 million people.
In the face of deepening authoritarianism, Azerbaijan’s independent media have undergone a dramatic displacement. What was once a small but active journalistic community has, over the past decade, been pushed almost entirely beyond the country’s borders. Today, the exiled media sector operates primarily from Berlin, Tbilisi, and various locations in the United States.
This transformation unfolded in two major waves, first between 2015 and 2017, and then again from 2020 to 2021, triggered by mounting state pressure, arrests, surveillance, and the systematic closure of newsrooms. Journalists were targeted through border interrogations, phone checks, and digital monitoring, often forced to flee with little or no time to prepare as domestic teams collapsed under growing threats.
10.6
According to the CIA World Factbook, the currently estimated population of Azerbaijan is 10.6 million people.
14
The JX Fund is constantly tracking the development of 14 independent exiled media from Azerbaijan.
3.1
As of July 2025, 17 Facebook accounts of Azerbaijan exiled media account for 3.11 million followers.
AT A GLANCE
The domestic media landscape is tightly controlled, with state-aligned television and news agencies dominating both audience share and messaging. Independent outlets are virtually absent from the official media sphere, surviving either in exile or through social media-based micro-projects with limited reach. Media outlets previously seen as neutral have now been absorbed into the state-controlled infrastructure, including some run by former political prisoners who later took positions within pro-government networks. Even when journalists remain in-country, they face heavy self-censorship to avoid reprisal.
While television remains crucial for older or rural populations, digital platforms, especially Facebook, Instagram, and Telegram, have become the primary stage for content and interaction. Exiled media outlets have adapted accordingly, shifting to short-form, visual-first formats. According to interviewees, some users have stopped visiting websites altogether, opting instead to follow stories directly on social channels.
The shift to digital wasn’t solely driven by audience preferences; it was also structurally necessary. Many outlets lost access to physical studios and had to rebuild entirely online. Exile necessitated a reorganization, with reporters now operating from apartments and coordinating across time zones with editors abroad. Outlets that once relied on structured local teams have become decentralized, relying on freelancers and informal contributors. This has also led to overlap in contributor networks, creating coordination challenges and increasing the risk of surveillance.
The gender and age balance among journalists reflects broader regional patterns. While many reporters are under 50 and politically active, leadership roles are still more often held by men. Exile hasn’t significantly changed this trend, although some younger women have emerged in prominent editorial or founder roles. Still, many female journalists report unequal treatment or lack of support structures, particularly in legal and emergency contexts. Many independent journalists lack formal training and entered the field from backgrounds such as education, civil activism, or information technology. While this has encouraged adaptability, it also creates barriers to institutional support, grants, and accreditation. Restrictions on registering media organizations further reinforce these limitations.
The state’s hostility toward exiled media is evident through legal, digital, and symbolic pressure. Labeling outlets as «foreign agents» or «extremist organizations» poses legal risks for both staff and audiences. In several documented cases, individuals have been detained or interrogated simply for sharing or liking critical content online. Spyware and surveillance techniques further discourage engagement, designed not only to punish dissenting media but also to isolate them from their audiences and deter contributors. Foreign media organizations like Reuters and Bloomberg have been stripped of accreditation, further narrowing access to neutral information.
Despite these challenges, some outlets maintain limited networks inside the country. These connections are kept confidential and used sparingly, with full awareness of the potential dangers they pose to those involved.
“It worries me that with this level of pressure and repressions, independent journalism in Azerbaijan could entirely disappear as a phenomenon.”
Leyla Mustafayeva, former editor-in-chief, Abzas Media
“The lives of Azerbaijani political exiles—bloggers and others—are in danger, as the Azerbaijani authorities will stop at nothing in their hunt for opponents.”
Azerbaijan’s exiled media landscape reveals a strong national orientation. Out of the 13 outlets, 12 can be characterized as having national coverage, highlighting a shared focus on state-level politics, accountability, and broad public communication. Regional or community-specific initiatives remain relatively marginal.
A notable number of independent media outlets were launched after 2014, a period marked by growing pressure on domestic journalism. Peaks in media formation coincide with periods of heightened repression, such as the 2014 crackdown and the post-2020 wave of arrests, site closures, and harassment. This reactive dynamic suggests that the growth of the exiled media sector is closely linked to the dismantling of in-country infrastructure rather than long-term planning or market evolution.
Azerbaijani remains the dominant language across all outlets. English is used by four outlets primarily for outreach to international audiences, funders, and diaspora readers. Russian, Georgian, and Armenian appear in isolated cases, mostly within multilingual platforms like JAM News. Despite these additions, content remains predominantly centered around Azerbaijani-speaking audiences, with minimal investment in language diversification.
Overall, the data confirms a structurally concentrated media environment shaped by crisis response. While there is a degree of linguistic and structural innovation, the ecosystem remains rooted in national-level coverage and Azerbaijani-language production. Further diversification would likely require targeted investment, translation capacity, and demand from specific diaspora or minority constituencies.

Independent media in exile from Azerbaijan show a strong orientation toward video-driven and social-first platforms. All outlets surveyed (100%) maintain both YouTube channels and Facebook accounts, underlining the importance of visual storytelling and social engagement in reaching audiences both inside and outside the country. Notably, YouTube alone accounts for over 3 million cumulative followers, while Facebook almost reaches 2 million.
Instagram (85%) and TikTok (77%) are also widely used, suggesting a shift toward shorter, mobile-optimized formats that cater to younger demographics and circumvent traditional media restrictions. In contrast, Telegram remains underutilized (46% of outlets), likely due to its limited reach among Azerbaijani users compared to other platforms in the region.
Despite the growing reliance on social media, 85% of outlets still maintain dedicated websites, ensuring long-form content, archiving, and editorial independence. X (92%) is also widely used, although its cumulative follower count remains low, likely reflecting recent platform restrictions or declining relevance in the Azerbaijani context.


Azerbaijan’s exiled media are primarily positioned as political actors, as evidenced by their thematic and format distributions. Politics dominates the editorial space, followed by general news and legal or human rights coverage. These areas form the sector’s core identity, reflecting the collapse of domestic journalistic institutions and the role of exiled outlets in counterbalancing state narratives.
Secondary topics such as economy and society appear with moderate frequency, reflecting some efforts to expand editorial scope beyond strictly oppositional coverage. Still, themes such as ecology, business, civil activism, and minority issues remain relatively limited, pointing to a lack of thematic breadth. Topics such as feminism, culture, and entertainment are also present, but mostly confined to a few experimental or youth-oriented platforms.
Most outlets rely on online broadcasting, which remains the dominant infrastructure for reaching both domestic and diaspora audiences. Interviews and investigative work follow closely, suggesting continued investment in original reporting and source-driven content. However, labor-intensive formats such as in-depth analysis, podcasts, and long-form magazine-style production remain rare. This reflects resource constraints and the pressure to produce fast, responsive content under restrictive conditions.
Visual reporting has a modest but visible presence, with video reports used selectively. Their growth is often tied to social media optimization and the shift away from websites as primary news portals. At the same time, the low number of outlets producing regular podcasts or structured analysis highlights a gap in slower, reflective formats that could help build long-term engagement and trust.
Overall, the data confirms that the sector remains anchored in core political and news coverage, with limited capacity to expand thematically or structurally. Without stronger support for content diversification and format development, Azerbaijan’s exiled media risk stagnation around a narrow set of narratives and delivery modes.

Media & Journalist Associations
Think Tanks & Research Centers
Civil Society & Advocacy Networks
The Azerbaijani media and civil society community are partially organized and primarily operate through informal and transnational networks. Domestic coordination is severely constrained by legal repression, surveillance, and threats of retaliation. Exiled journalists collaborate from hubs such as Berlin, Tbilisi, and Washington, often with donor support. Advocacy, capacity-building, and content exchange are the strongest areas of cooperation, while fragmented editorial priorities and resource limitations hinder deeper institutional integration. There is no central coordinating body, but shared goals and peer recognition help sustain functional solidarity.
„Despite relentless pressure, independent media have continued to survive, resist, and fight back. Every time we face pressure, we also see growth. More people engage with our content, and public support strengthens. Even in the most repressive countries in the world, the truth finds a way to reach people. We will continue — and future generations will continue — to deliver this truth, because it is needed.“
Orkhan Mammad, editor-in-chief, Meydan TV
„The founding father of Azerbaijan, Mammad Amin Rasulzadeh was a journalist. Even after the Soviet takeover, he and other Azerbaijanis kept their independent media alive, albeit in exile, waiting for an eventual return. I believe Azerbaijani journalism will endure this autocratic phase as well.“
Javid Agha, exiled journalist, bne Intellinews
The Azerbaijani media in exile has undergone a complex and difficult transformation in recent years. The domestic media environment has steadily deteriorated over the past two decades due to increasing state control, legal restrictions, arrests of journalists, and systematic suppression of independent outlets. Media freedom was never well protected, but conditions have progressively worsened, forcing many outlets to relocate abroad.
A key trend in this transformation is the shift toward short-form and visual content. Many outlets have adapted by focusing on formats suitable for platforms such as Facebook, Instagram, and Telegram. These changes have been driven both by consumer preferences and by the collapse of physical infrastructure within the country. Visual storytelling, especially explainer videos, has proven to be highly effective in reaching audiences and simplifying complex issues.
The function of exiled media has also evolved. Rather than operating solely as news providers, many outlets have become platforms for community engagement and tools for maintaining transnational connections. However, audience engagement remains a challenge. In many cases, journalism continues to be perceived as part of the nonprofit or NGO sphere, which has contributed to a lack of financial support from readers. There is limited public understanding of the resources and effort required to produce high-quality journalism.
Non-grant revenues remain marginal. While some outlets have experimented with crowdfunding platforms or small-scale product development, these approaches have not resulted in significant or sustainable income. Financial independence is extremely rare. Most exiled outlets continue to rely almost entirely on international donors and foundations, which occasionally provide professional support or training in addition to funding.
Coordination among outlets has improved somewhat, but challenges remain. Many key figures are involved in multiple projects and capacity constraints make it difficult to develop joint strategies. Legal and emergency assistance is available in some cases but tends to be fragmented and inconsistent.
Looking ahead, the most urgent challenges include sustainability, digital security, and maintaining visibility. Fewer international allies are present today, while authoritarian regimes have become more sophisticated in retaining control. There is a clear need for long-term strategic support, not just short-term interventions. Continued public engagement, cross-border collaboration, and innovation in content and outreach will be critical in navigating the difficult environment ahead.
By Arzu Geybulla, exiled journalist
ADDITIONAL INFORMATION
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This publication was developed with the financial support from Deutsche Postcode Lotterie.